In a pivotal shift for South Asian geopolitics, the Pakistan Air Force has incorporated advanced Chinese air defense systems into its military inventory, including the FD-2000, HQ-16FE, and HQ-9BE. This development, reported in early 2025, highlights the strengthening of military relations between Pakistan and China, as well as Pakistan’s strategic response to regional tensions, especially with India.
The introduction of these advanced surface-to-air missile systems marks a significant effort to enhance Pakistan’s air defense capabilities, which could potentially reshape the power dynamics in a region characterized by volatility. Pakistan’s quest for advanced air defense systems is deeply rooted in a long-standing rivalry with India, characterized by intermittent conflicts and a continuous arms race.
The two nuclear-armed nations have engaged in disputes over Kashmir and other matters, with air superiority being a crucial element of their military strategies. For Pakistan, ensuring a credible deterrent against India’s larger and more financially robust military is a strategic necessity.
The procurement of Chinese systems such as the FD-2000, an export variant of the HQ-9, signifies a transition from dependence on Western technology to a closer partnership with Beijing. This collaboration has progressively developed since the 1980s, when Pakistan began to diversify its defense sources in response to fluctuating relations with the United States.
The FD-2000, along with the HQ-16FE and HQ-9BE, signifies a substantial advancement in Pakistan’s capacity to address aerial threats, ranging from fighter jets to cruise missiles.
The FD-2000, created by China’s Precision Machinery Import-Export Corporation, is a long-range surface-to-air missile system intended for targeting various threats. It boasts a range of up to 125 kilometers for aircraft and 25 kilometers for cruise missiles, enabling it to track and engage multiple targets at once due to its sophisticated radar and guidance technologies.
The system utilizes a mix of inertial navigation, mid-course data-link updates, and terminal active radar homing for precise target interception. Its HT-233 passive electronically scanned array radar enhances detection capabilities, making it effective against low-altitude threats such as cruise missiles.
In comparison to Western systems like the American Patriot PAC-3, which has a shorter range of approximately 96 kilometers against aircraft, the FD-2000 provides competitive performance at a more affordable price, which is crucial for budget-limited militaries like Pakistan. However, unlike the Patriot’s hit-to-kill technology, the FD-2000 depends on a proximity-fused warhead, which may be less effective against certain ballistic missile threats.
The HQ-16FE, another Chinese system now part of Pakistan’s arsenal, acts as a medium-to-long-range counterpart to the FD-2000. With a range of 25 to 160 kilometers and an intercept altitude of up to 27 kilometers, it is designed to target fighter-sized aircraft and cruise missiles. This system employs a dual-mode semi-active and active radar homing seeker, supported by a 2D active-scanning phased-array radar with a detection range of 250 kilometers. This radar can track 12 targets and engage eight simultaneously, ensuring comprehensive coverage against multiple threats.
The HQ-16FE plays a vital role in Pakistan’s air defense framework, effectively connecting short-range systems like the Thales Crotale with longer-range options such as the FD-2000. Its origins from the Russian Buk missile family contribute to its established reliability, although its effectiveness against modern stealth aircraft has yet to be demonstrated in actual combat.
The HQ-9BE, a more sophisticated version of the HQ-9 series, significantly enhances Pakistan’s capabilities, boasting a range of 260 kilometers for aircraft and 25 kilometers for tactical ballistic missiles. Its advanced guidance system, featuring the JSG-400 target designation radar and JPG-600 surveillance radar, is specifically designed for intercepting ballistic missiles, which is increasingly important due to India’s growing missile capabilities.
The system can also target cruise missiles at altitudes as low as 20 meters and air-to-ground missiles up to 18 kilometers, further showcasing its adaptability. In contrast to the FD-2000, which relies on older HT-series radars, the HQ-9BE is equipped with electronic counter-countermeasures and decoy systems to improve its resilience against electronic warfare. Although it does not possess the comprehensive anti-ballistic missile capabilities of Russia’s S-400, which is in use by India, the HQ-9BE offers Pakistan a more economical solution for area denial and strategic defense.
The modernization of Pakistan’s air defense is a long-standing initiative, with roots tracing back several decades. During the 1960s and 1970s, Pakistan depended on American systems like the Hawk missile, which offered limited defense against low-altitude threats. The 1980s marked a shift towards European systems, including the French Crotale, which remains operational today. However, U.S. sanctions in the 1990s, prompted by Pakistan’s nuclear ambitions, hindered access to Western technology, leading Islamabad to strengthen ties with Beijing.
The introduction of the HQ-9P by the Pakistan Army in 2021 represented a pivotal development, providing a high-to-medium-altitude defense capability with a range of 125 kilometers. The incorporation of the FD-2000, HQ-16FE, and HQ-9BE enhances this framework, establishing a multi-layered defense network aimed at addressing India’s expanding air and missile capabilities.
Pakistan’s strategic dependence on Chinese systems is driven by several factors. China presents more affordable options compared to Western or Russian systems, which is crucial given Pakistan’s economic limitations. The China-Pakistan Economic Corridor, a $62 billion infrastructure initiative, has strengthened bilateral relations, enabling technology transfers and collaborative projects such as the JF-17 Thunder fighter.
In contrast to Russia, which provides India with advanced systems like the S-400, China does not have competing commitments in the region, positioning it as a dependable ally for Pakistan.
The S-400 system, boasting a range of 380 kilometers and the capability to track 80 targets, provides India with a strategic advantage. However, Pakistan’s multi-layered defense strategy, which includes the FD-2000, HQ-16FE, and HQ-9BE systems, diminishes this edge. In response, India may expedite its Ballistic Missile Defense initiatives or enhance its fleet with additional Rafale fighters equipped with standoff munitions to effectively counter Pakistan’s defenses.
The 2019 Balakot airstrike, during which Indian aircraft breached Pakistani airspace, revealed vulnerabilities in Islamabad’s air defense framework, likely spurring the current modernization efforts. Pakistan’s new defense systems could complicate India’s aerial operations, compelling New Delhi to increasingly depend on stealth capabilities or electronic warfare tactics.
Beyond the India-Pakistan dynamic, China’s involvement as a defense supplier has significant global implications. The success of the HQ-9 series, including the FD-2000, in Pakistan could elevate China’s position in the international arms market, where it competes with the United States and Russia. At the IDEX 2025 defense exhibition in Abu Dhabi, China presented the HQ-9BE, garnering interest from Middle Eastern and African countries in search of cost-effective air defense options.
Egypt’s reported acquisition of the HQ-9B in 2025 highlights China’s expanding export capabilities. Unlike Western defense systems, which often come with political conditions, Chinese offerings provide greater flexibility and lower costs, making them attractive to nations cautious of U.S. or European influence.
Nevertheless, doubts remain regarding the reliability of Chinese systems, with some experts questioning their effectiveness against advanced threats such as fifth-generation fighters. Operational hurdles may temper Pakistan’s aspirations, as integrating the FD-2000, HQ-16FE, and HQ-9BE into a unified network necessitates advanced command-and-control systems and well-trained personnel. While Pakistan’s air defense units have experience with older systems like the Crotale, they face a significant learning curve with these sophisticated platforms.
Logistical challenges, including the acquisition of spare parts and the upkeep of intricate radar systems, may put pressure on Pakistan’s defense budget. Reports from 2022 revealed intentions to enhance the Crotale 4000, indicating a dependence on older systems to address deficiencies. Furthermore, Pakistan’s homegrown LOMADS initiative, a medium-range missile system with a range of 100 kilometers, is still under development, underscoring the difficulties in achieving self-sufficiency.
The wider geopolitical landscape complicates Pakistan’s air defense strategy. The United States, which was once a primary provider of military equipment to Pakistan, has diminished its involvement since the 1990s, shifting its focus to counterterrorism collaboration.
In contrast, China’s support aligns with its broader strategy to counter India and extend its influence in the Indian Ocean region. The anticipated sale of China’s J-35 stealth fighter to Pakistan, reported in 2025, could further alter the regional balance, prompting India to expedite its own fifth-generation fighter program.
For the United States, Pakistan’s alignment with China raises alarms about technology proliferation and the diminishing of Western influence in South Asia. Strategically, Pakistan’s air defense expansion illustrates a classic dilemma: the quest for security through military modernization risks escalating tensions with a more dominant neighbor.
The FD-2000, HQ-16FE, and HQ-9BE systems enhance Pakistan’s capacity to deter aerial threats, yet they may also provoke counteractions from India, potentially igniting a cycle of escalation. The effectiveness of these systems will hinge on Pakistan’s capability to incorporate them into a cohesive defense network, a challenge made more difficult by technical and financial limitations.
Additionally, reliance on Chinese technology links Pakistan’s security to Beijing’s strategic interests, raising concerns about autonomy in a region marked by intensifying great-power rivalries.
As South Asia navigates a complex landscape, the impact of Pakistan’s modernization of its air defense systems reaches far beyond the subcontinent. China’s rise as a primary supplier of sophisticated weaponry poses a challenge to the established arms exporters, altering the dynamics of global defense markets.
For Pakistan, the FD-2000 and similar systems present an opportunity to enhance its resilience against aerial threats; however, their effectiveness depends on addressing operational challenges and navigating the geopolitical consequences. Will these systems elevate Pakistan to a significant defensive power, or will they further entangle it in a competitive regional rivalry? The outcome could influence the trajectory of South Asian security for many years ahead.
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