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No Secure Sanctuaries: Pakistan’s Shaheen-III Breaches India’s Second-Strike Defense

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Shaheen-III missile

In a significant shift in South Asia’s strategic landscape, Pakistan’s operational deployment of the Shaheen-III medium-range ballistic missile represents a crucial escalation in the regional deterrence framework—one that effectively undermines India’s presumed geographic buffer and reveals even its most distant eastern military facilities to viable nuclear strike capabilities.

The Shaheen-III, a two-stage, solid-fueled medium-range ballistic missile (MRBM), now serves as the farthest-reaching weapon in Pakistan’s arsenal, capable of delivering either conventional or nuclear warheads up to 2,750 kilometers away—thus bringing all of India, parts of the Middle East, and North Africa within its range. First revealed to the public during Pakistan’s National Day military parade in March 2016, the missile had previously achieved its inaugural successful test launch on March 9, 2015, after a decade-long, secretive development initiative led by the Strategic Plans Division (SPD) and the National Development Complex (NDC).

Unlike its liquid-fueled predecessor from the Ghauri series, the Shaheen-III employs solid-fuel propulsion, which provides rapid launch capabilities and improved battlefield survivability—two essential features in a nuclear flashpoint environment like South Asia. Deployed on a Chinese-manufactured WS21200 transporter erector launcher (TEL), the missile’s mobile design enhances its resilience against counterforce attacks and reinforces its effectiveness in a second-strike capacity.

Strategic planners assert that the Shaheen-III was designed specifically as a countermeasure to India’s Agni-III MRBM, with a particular emphasis on preventing India from utilizing the Andaman and Nicobar Islands as second-strike refuges. “India no longer has any safe havens,” stated retired Air Marshal Shahid Latif of the Pakistan Air Force. “It conveys a powerful message: if you harm us, we will retaliate.”

The message is emphasized by the remarks of General Khalid Kidwai, the former architect of Pakistan’s nuclear command, who explicitly mentioned that the missile’s range was designed to target India’s eastern island territories, dispelling any notions of regional impunity.

Allegedly capable of achieving speeds up to Mach 18, the missile’s hypersonic speed greatly complicates interception, even for India’s sophisticated missile defense systems such as the Russian-built S-400 Triumf, which are presently being deployed in sensitive areas.

Pakistan has conducted several successful test flights of the missile system, including launches in March and December 2015, followed by tests in January 2021 and April 2022, confirming both operational effectiveness and long-range design reliability.

The most recent confirmed test, carried out on April 9, 2022, reaffirmed the missile’s design integrity and strategic accuracy.

As per a statement from the Inter-Services Public Relations (ISPR), the test aimed to revalidate various technical and operational parameters of the system. The launch was supervised by senior officials, including the Director General of the Strategic Plans Division, Lieutenant General Nadeem Zaki Manj, who conveyed full confidence in Pakistan’s strategic deterrence posture.

Analysts observed that the test, executed from a secret location along the southern coast, was part of an ongoing initiative to enhance Pakistan’s long-range strike capabilities in response to evolving regional threats.

Mounted on the 16×16 WS21200 TEL—capable of transporting payloads up to 80 tons—the Shaheen-III test once again showcased the strategic versatility offered by mobile launch platforms. There have been no publicly reported tests of the Shaheen-III missile since the launch in April 2022.

However, in October 2023, the International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS) emphasized that Pakistan’s missile development path—especially with the Shaheen-III—reveals clear intentions to develop Multiple Independently targetable Reentry Vehicle (MIRV) capabilities.

This advanced capability would enable a single Shaheen-III missile to carry and deploy several nuclear warheads against various targets, thereby overwhelming missile defense systems and significantly improving Pakistan’s second-strike survivability. This MIRV-capable variant—ultimately demonstrated in the Ababeel missile—is regarded by analysts as Islamabad’s strategic counter to India’s growing BMD capabilities and part of its wider “full spectrum deterrence” strategy.

Dr. Farrukh Saleem, a prominent political analyst, stated, “The Shaheen-III appears to be a direct response to India’s strategic advancements. Pakistan seems to be concentrating not only on achieving parity but also on ensuring that its deterrence remains credible in all situations.”

Mansoor Ahmad, a nuclear policy expert at Quaid-i-Azam University, remarked, “Pakistan’s goal is not to engage in a tit-for-tat arms race but to attain strategic stability. The pursuit of MIRV capability for the Shaheen-III indicates a long-term strategy to breach missile defenses.

India has taken a measured approach, refraining from any official public acknowledgment of the Shaheen-III’s deployment. However, it continues to bolster its own missile triad by upgrading the Agni-V system, acquiring additional S-400 batteries, and swiftly expanding its sea-based deterrence through nuclear-powered ballistic missile submarines (SSBNs).

Strategically, the Shaheen-III, with its 2,750-kilometer range, enables Pakistan to pose a threat not only to the Indian mainland but also to Indian military assets located along the eastern seaboard and in the Indian Ocean, including air and naval bases in the Andaman Islands. This significantly shortens India’s decision-making timeline during a crisis, potentially increasing the risks associated with preemption, escalation, or miscalculation.

The missile’s deterrent capability, however, extends beyond the India-Pakistan dynamic, as its long range also grants Islamabad a latent ability to sway power relations throughout the Gulf region, a growing concern for policymakers in Washington, Tel Aviv, and Riyadh. For Islamabad, this strategic reach is not merely about achieving regional balance but also about amplifying its influence within the wider Islamic geopolitical framework, where missile range translates to strategic significance.

In this context, the Shaheen-III effectively connects Pakistan’s tactical deterrent capabilities with its aspirations for a reliable, credible second-strike capacity, thereby enhancing the breadth of Pakistan’s deterrence strategy. Nevertheless, the missile’s deployment has introduced the possibility of crisis instability, particularly in a region where unresolved flashpoints like Kashmir persist, and both nations maintain nuclear strategies characterized by ambiguity and rapid escalation.

While Islamabad maintains that its doctrine is focused on credible minimum deterrence, military insiders have suggested that the Shaheen-III is already part of the nation’s strategic force structure, operational and on alert. “Shaheen-III is not an offensive weapon; it serves as a stabilizing element in our deterrence strategy,” stated a senior SPD official who requested anonymity. “It ensures that adversaries reconsider before launching any large-scale aggression.”

However, deterrence through fear can be a double-edged sword. The deployment of such long-range, high-speed delivery systems with potential MIRV capabilities risks pushing both adversaries into rapid-launch postures, which could undermine strategic stability during peacetime and increase the likelihood of catastrophic misjudgments during crises.

India, which is already heavily investing in the Agni-VI program and hypersonic glide vehicle technologies, now feels the need to reassess its strategic depth and further invest in fortified command structures, dispersed basing, and enhanced missile defense coverage along its eastern front.

Geopolitically, the Shaheen-III highlights the changing power dynamics in Asia, where conventional imbalances are increasingly countered by long-range strategic weaponry and the evolving relationship between nuclear doctrine and advanced missile technology. In this light, the Shaheen-III is not merely another missile; it represents a declaration of intent, a geopolitical signal flare, and a technological advancement that reshapes the strategic landscape of South Asia.

By incorporating hypersonic speeds, extended range, and potential MIRV capabilities into a single platform, Pakistan has indicated that it will not relinquish strategic space—even in light of India’s significant economic and military superiority. As nuclear-capable systems grow more mobile, faster, and increasingly difficult to detect, the region finds itself on a precarious edge, where deterrence is both essential and increasingly fragile.

The time of fixed nuclear thresholds has passed. With the Shaheen-III, Pakistan has asserted that from the Himalayas to the Bay of Bengal—and now extending to the Indian Ocean—its deterrent capability is unequivocal.

Jakarta Aims at China’s Chengdu J-10C Following Pakistan’s Air Superiority Over India’s Rafales?

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J-10C “Vigorous Dragon”

In a strategic move likely to reshape the airpower landscape of Southeast Asia, Indonesia is reportedly set to acquire 42 used Chengdu J-10C multirole fighters from China, while also indicating a renewed interest in the previously halted procurement of Russian Su-35s.

Jakarta’s apparent shift towards the Chinese-made J-10C follows the fighter’s recent validation in combat during the intense aerial confrontations between Pakistan and India, where it reportedly outperformed its Western rivals.

While Indonesian defense officials have not yet provided an official confirmation, the well-known defense intelligence platform Alert 5 has indicated that an announcement is anticipated during the forthcoming Indo Defence and Expo 2025, scheduled for June 11–14 in Jakarta. If the deal goes through, it would represent Indonesia’s inaugural frontline acquisition of Chinese combat aircraft and demonstrate a broader strategic diversification aimed at balancing relationships with Western, Russian, and Chinese defense sectors.

Concurrently, Indonesia is also said to be reevaluating the stalled acquisition of the Su-35 “Flanker-E” from Russia, which was put on hold due to geopolitical issues and pressure from Western defense allies. Russian Ambassador to Indonesia, Sergei Tolchenov, reiterated the ongoing validity of the contract, stating, “The contract (Su-35 with Indonesia) has never been cancelled. It is still active. We will resume negotiations someday,” in an interview with the Jakarta Globe.

Indonesia had initially signed a US$1.14 billion (RM4.9 billion) deal in February 2018 to acquire 11 Su-35 fighters, an aircraft regarded as a high-end counterpart to Western 4.5-generation platforms such as the Eurofighter Typhoon and Rafale.

In March 2020, international media reported that Jakarta had put the deal on hold due to increasing diplomatic pressure and the threat of sanctions, particularly under the U.S. CAATSA (Countering America’s Adversaries Through Sanctions Act) framework.

At the same time, Indonesia continues its fighter procurement aligned with the West, with the first six Dassault Rafale fighters scheduled for delivery in February 2026, as part of a 42-aircraft deal valued at RM32 billion.

However, concerns have arisen within Indonesia’s defense community following unverified yet widely circulated reports that Pakistani J-10C fighters managed to shoot down as many as six Indian Air Force jets—allegedly including three Rafales—using PL-15 beyond-visual-range (BVR) missiles during a conflict in Kashmir. Although these claims have been contested by New Delhi, they have sparked renewed discussions among regional air forces regarding the actual effectiveness of older Western platforms when faced with China’s rapidly advancing air combat technologies.

Pakistan’s Foreign Minister Ishaq Dar publicly asserted that five Indian aircraft, including three French-built Rafales, were downed by PL-15E BVR missiles launched from Pakistani Air Force J-10Cs during the incident, with a sixth Mirage 2000 also reportedly destroyed.

Regardless of their accuracy, these combat claims have significantly enhanced the global standing of the J-10C and the PL-15 missile, while also causing a notable decline in confidence regarding the Rafale’s survivability in contested airspace.

At LIMA 2025 in Langkawi, the J-10CE export variant stood out as a highlight of China’s pavilion, capturing significant attention from foreign delegations and analysts due to its contemporary battlefield significance.

“The J-10CE, which is the export variant of the J-10C, became the focal point of China’s exhibit at LIMA 2025 after demonstrating its combat effectiveness, drawing considerable interest from international attendees and military experts alike,” reported Global Times.

CATIC, the state defense export agency of China, is actively promoting the J-10CE as a cost-efficient, high-performance alternative to Western and Russian platforms, particularly targeting nations like Malaysia, Bangladesh, and Indonesia that are looking to modernize with fewer geopolitical constraints. Chinese defense analysts contend that the J-10 series—supported by PLAAF combat experience and rapid technological advancements—has dispelled outdated views of China as a secondary aerospace power.

Since its introduction in 2006, the J-10 platform has become a fundamental part of the PLAAF’s tactical fighter fleet, with over 220 J-10C aircraft currently operational across various air divisions. The latest variant, the J-10C, exemplifies China’s advancement into full-spectrum 4.5-generation combat capability, featuring AESA radar, an advanced digital fly-by-wire system, and domestically produced WS-10B engines.

In terms of technology, the J-10C balances affordability and lethality by incorporating China’s most sophisticated long-range BVR missiles, particularly the PL-15, which is estimated to have a range exceeding 200 kilometers and is widely regarded as a direct competitor to the AIM-120D and Meteor.

The cockpit of the fighter is equipped with a comprehensive glass digital display suite, helmet-mounted sighting systems, and a consolidated mission computer engineered for quick adaptation in contested settings.

Its aerodynamic design—emphasized by a delta-canard configuration—offers exceptional agility, allowing for sharp angles of attack and multi-role flexibility across air superiority, strike, and interdiction operations.

Additionally, the aircraft features sophisticated electronic warfare (EW) systems, which include radar warning receivers (RWR), electronic countermeasures (ECM), chaff/flare dispensers, and infrared search and track (IRST) capabilities.

With 11 hardpoints, the J-10C is capable of carrying a diverse range of PL-series air-to-air missiles, anti-ship and precision-strike munitions like the KD-88 and YJ-91, along with satellite-guided glide bombs and laser-guided armaments.

The integration of the J-10C into Indonesia’s future military capabilities would signify a strategic transition away from dependence on Western platforms, providing Jakarta with a high-performance counterbalance amid escalating tensions in the South China Sea and the Indo-Pacific region.

China’s ongoing success in exporting the J-10CE to Pakistan and potentially Indonesia highlights Beijing’s ambition to secure a larger share of the global fighter jet market, challenging the dominance of U.S., European, and Russian manufacturers.

As Southeast Asian countries adjust their defense strategies to cope with an increasingly unstable strategic landscape, Indonesia’s prospective acquisition of the J-10C marks a crucial turning point in the shifting regional balance of airpower.

Asia increases arms purchases and military research as the security situation worsens

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Singapore Air Force (RSAF) F-16D+ fighter jet

Expenditure on arms and research is increasing among certain Asian nations as they react to a deteriorating security situation by expanding their external industrial collaborations while also striving to enhance their own defense sectors, according to a recent study.

The annual Asia-Pacific Regional Security Assessment, published on Wednesday by the London-based International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS), indicated that external industrial assistance remains crucial even as regional countries ultimately pursue self-sufficiency. “Recent conflicts in Ukraine and the Middle East, along with escalating U.S.-China strategic rivalry and the decline of the Asia-Pacific security environment, may result in a growing wave of defense-industrial collaborations,” the report stated. “Competitive security dynamics over ongoing flashpoints … contribute to the necessity of developing military capabilities to address these issues.”

Defense procurement and research and development expenditures increased by $2.7 billion from 2022 to 2024, reaching $10.5 billion among key Southeast Asian nations including Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore, Thailand, and Vietnam. This surge occurs despite these countries spending an average of 1.5% of their GDP on defense in 2024, a figure that has remained relatively stable over the past decade.

The report, released in advance of this weekend’s annual Shangri-La Dialogue defense meeting in Singapore, noted that Asia-Pacific countries still depend on imports for the majority of essential weapons and equipment. These items include submarines, combat aircraft, drones, missiles, and advanced electronics for surveillance and intelligence gathering.

The informal gathering in Singapore, which includes global defence and military officials, is anticipated to be heavily influenced by uncertainties arising from the ongoing Ukraine conflict, the security policies of the Trump administration, and regional tensions regarding Taiwan and the contested busy waterway of the South China Sea.

According to the study, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates are becoming increasingly proactive and making significant progress, although European companies maintain a notable and growing presence in the region through technology transfers, joint ventures, and licensed assembly agreements.

The UAE has established a diverse network of partners, including China’s NORINCO weapons conglomerate and its competitor, India’s Hindustan Aeronautics. The study noted that joint development initiatives can be challenging, citing lessons learned from India’s two-decade partnership with Russia to create the BrahMos supersonic anti-ship missile.

While this feared weapon is currently in service with India, its exports have faced obstacles due to the absence of a clear strategy, with shipments to its first third-party client, the Philippines, not commencing until 2024, the study indicated. Strengthening ties between Russia and China could further complicate the missile’s development, especially if Moscow opts to prioritize its relationship with Beijing to create a hypersonic variant of the missile.

French military responded to claims of Rafael jets being shot down in the India-Pakistan conflict

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Retrieving wreckage of Indian Rafale fighter jet reportedly shot down by Pakistan in Aklian, Bathinda.

French-made Rafale fighter jets were reportedly downed during the recent conflict between India and Pakistan, igniting extensive discussion. On Tuesday, a representative from the French Ministry of Armed Forces responded to questions from Phoenix TV during a routine press briefing, indicating that if the reports are verified, it would signify the first combat loss of a Rafale since it was introduced into service 20 years ago.

This also represents the first official comment from the French military regarding the issue, as reported by Phoenix TV on Wednesday. The video segment from Phoenix TV’s news quoted a spokesperson from the French Ministry of Armed Forces, who mentioned that the details of the incident remain unclear, with numerous aspects still unconfirmed.

He stated that concerning the Rafale’s performance, France is vigilantly observing the situation and is in active communication with India to gather direct information. The spokesperson further noted that some reports suggest that hundreds of military aircraft participated in the engagement. The French aim to extract as many lessons as possible from this high-intensity combat situation.

If the reports of the Rafale being shot down are validated, it would indeed mark the first operational loss in its two-decade service history, he stated, according to Phoenix TV.

PL-21 Unveiled: China’s Most Lethal Air-to-Air Missile Could Soon Equip Pakistan’s Stealth J-35A

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J-35A stealth aircraft

A newly emerged image has sparked significant examination among international defense analysts, as it reportedly depicts China’s fifth-generation stealth fighter, the Chengdu J-20, equipped with what seems to be two PL-21 ultra-long-range air-to-air missiles. Despite the image lacking official verification and being somewhat unclear, experts contend that it offers one of the most distinct visual signs to date that the People’s Liberation Army Air Force (PLAAF) is advancing with sophisticated trials of the highly classified missile.

In-depth evaluations indicate that the aircraft in question is indeed a J-20, and the missiles positioned under its wings closely resemble the profile and configuration linked to the PL-21, a weapon system intended to target high-value airborne assets at strategic ranges. The emergence of the PL-21 on China’s premier air superiority fighter has rekindled interest among Pakistani defense analysts, particularly in light of the Pakistan Air Force’s (PAF) intentions to introduce the stealth J-35A in the near future.

As per local media reports, the PAF is anticipated to receive its initial batch of J-35A fifth-generation multirole fighters as soon as next year, making the potential integration of the PL-21 a topic of increasing enthusiasm in Islamabad.

Pakistani analysts aspire to replicate the precedent established by China’s provision of the PL-15 missile to the PAF for its J-10C fleet, which is thought to have achieved strategic advantages during recent aerial confrontations with India.

“Encouraged by the performance of Pakistan’s J-10C fighters outfitted with PL-15 air-to-air missiles—believed to have successfully downed several Indian Air Force jets—Pakistani defense analysts are now keen to see their forthcoming J-35A or J-10C similarly equipped with the PL-21.”

According to the original agreement, Pakistan was set to start receiving the first of 40 J-35A aircraft by late 2026. However, the updated timeline highlights the pressing need for enhanced bilateral defense cooperation. Although these developments have not yet been officially confirmed by Islamabad, the Pakistan Air Force (PAF), or the State Administration for Science, Technology and Industry for National Defense (SASTIND), the significance of the reports contributes to growing anticipation that Pakistan’s future air combat capabilities are on the verge of a significant transformation.

Reports from late 2024 initially disclosed Pakistan’s intention to acquire 40 J-35A stealth fighters—representing the first known export of a fifth-generation fighter aircraft from China, a significant achievement that Beijing is keen to promote as part of its emergence as a global defense exporter.

In the latest conflict between India and Pakistan, Islamabad asserted that it had shot down six Indian aircraft using PL-15-equipped J-10Cs, which included three Rafales, one Su-30MKI, one MiG-29, and one Mirage 2000. However, India has publicly refuted these claims, denying any such losses.

The PL-21, currently under active development by Chinese defense companies, is designed as a next-generation missile intended to target AWACS, refueling tankers, and electronic warfare aircraft from distances exceeding 400 kilometers. Its specialized design positions it as a strategic ‘AWACS killer,’ engineered not to engage enemy fighters directly, but to disrupt an opponent’s air combat network from standoff ranges, well before the targeted platform is aware of the impending threat.

Recent observations on Chinese social media suggest that the PL-21 features a larger and elongated structure, likely utilizing ramjet or scramjet propulsion systems, which facilitate high-speed, sustained thrust throughout extended flight paths.

The missile is anticipated to be equipped with an AESA radar seeker, sophisticated electronic counter-countermeasures (ECCM), and enhanced resilience against jamming and spoofing in intricate electronic warfare scenarios.

Some reports indicate that the PL-21 might also incorporate two-way encrypted datalinks, enabling real-time targeting updates from launch platforms or AEW&C aircraft like the KJ-500, even during the missile’s mid-course flight phase.

From a strategic perspective, the PL-21 signifies a significant advancement in China’s “airborne area-denial” strategy, empowering it to compel enemy high-value assets to operate at a distance from contested areas or face neutralization before providing combat support.

Western airborne command and support aircraft, including the E-3 Sentry, KC-135 Stratotanker, and RC-135 Rivet Joint, would no longer be safe in the rear, which has direct implications for operations involving the F-22, F-35, and allied stealth platforms.

Designed for deployment from long-range interceptors such as the J-16, J-20, and the upcoming J-20B, the PL-21 facilitates strike missions against airborne support systems without jeopardizing the safety of the launch platform.

Numerous analysts perceive the PL-21 as China’s direct counter to the AIM-260 JATM (Joint Advanced Tactical Missile) initiative currently being developed in the United States to succeed the AIM-120D AMRAAM.

In future high-intensity conflicts in the Indo-Pacific region, where air engagements may take place beyond 300 kilometers and heavily depend on AEW&C and satellite-fed ISR, the PL-21 could determine which side gains aerial superiority before the first fighter comes within visual range.

Its potential deployment in areas such as the South China Sea, East China Sea, or Taiwan Strait would greatly influence the strategic calculations of U.S. allies, including Japan, South Korea, and Australia.

Although there has been no official confirmation from Chinese officials, numerous sightings and likely test launches indicate that the PL-21 has progressed into advanced development and may soon be integrated into frontline PLAAF units.

If the PL-15 changed the landscape of conventional BVR air combat, the PL-21 could transform strategic aerial warfare by emphasizing support-kill strategies rather than dogfighting or maneuver superiority.

Should this missile be sold to Pakistan, the PAF’s future J-35A fleet could execute long-range strikes against Indian Netra AEW&C, Phalcon AWACS, and Il-78 tankers from standoff distances, effectively neutralizing India’s aerial C4ISR infrastructure before conventional combat commences.

This capability would enable the PAF to fully leverage the “first look, first shoot, first kill” doctrine, minimizing the necessity to enter Indian airspace while targeting essential airborne support systems.

With advanced ECCM and high-fidelity datalinks, the PL-21 would also significantly enhance Pakistan’s electronic warfare capabilities, making the J-35A + PL-21 combination a highly survivable option in next-generation conflict scenarios.

In response, India is likely to expedite its long-range missile initiatives, which may include the AIM-260 JATM through collaboration with the U.S., or it could increase its inventory of Meteor missiles for its Rafale squadrons.

At the same time, India will need to strengthen its layered air defense systems, incorporating technologies such as the S-400 Triumf, Akash-NG, and LR-SAM to protect its airborne C4I assets.

If Pakistan becomes the first international user of the PL-21, it will again act as a live demonstration partner for China, similar to the role it played with the PL-15E, thereby validating the system’s effectiveness and broadening China’s defense export market.

Nations like Iran, Egypt, and certain Gulf states might emerge as potential customers, drawn by the PL-21’s capability to counter superior Western air assets without needing to match them platform-for-platform.

With the J-35A and PL-21 in its arsenal, Pakistan would align itself with a select group of air forces capable of ultra-long-range strategic air-to-air strikes, placing it alongside China, the United States, and possibly Russia.

This situation would necessitate a thorough revision of India’s air warfare strategy, moving away from traditional dogfighting tactics to a focus on standoff, electronically contested engagements where dominance is determined by reach and disruption.

As regional tensions escalate and the arms race in the Indo-Pacific intensifies, the introduction of the PL-21 could signify a pivotal moment in a new age of air superiority—one where success is determined not by speed, but by the ability to strike first from a distance and incapacitate the enemy before combat commences.

Iran is open to compromise with Trump, signaling that the US understands its limits

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Iran is willing to make concessions regarding its nuclear program during discussions with the United States; however, uranium enrichment is a matter that cannot be negotiated, as stated by Tehran’s Foreign Ministry spokesperson to CNN, who noted that Washington is aware of this stance.

“If the goal is to ensure that Iran’s nuclear program is not weaponized, I believe that is something we can easily achieve,” said Esmail Baghaei, the spokesperson for Iran’s Foreign Ministry, during a statement in Tehran on Monday. When CNN inquired about how a compromise could be achieved in the discussions, Baghaei responded, “There are numerous ways,” without providing further details.

Nevertheless, he emphasized that Iran’s entitlement to nuclear energy must be safeguarded, reiterating the longstanding Iranian viewpoint on negotiations. “If the (US’) aim is to strip Iranians of their right to peaceful nuclear energy, I believe that would pose significant challenges to the extent that it could jeopardize the entire process,” he remarked.

Following the fifth round of US-Iran negotiations in Rome on Friday, President Donald Trump expressed optimism on Sunday regarding the progress being made.

“We engaged in some very productive discussions with Iran yesterday and today, and we will see what unfolds. However, I believe we might receive some positive updates regarding Iran,” Trump informed reporters in New Jersey as he readied to head back to Washington.

Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi described the discussions as “one of the most professional rounds of negotiations” to date, but noted that the critical issues were “too complex to be settled in just two or three meetings.” While the Trump administration has been optimistic about its demand for Tehran to cease all uranium enrichment – which is vital for both civilian and military nuclear purposes – Baghaei indicated that the conduct of US negotiators during the discussions hints at a more lenient stance. “The fact that we have continued our discussions thus far indicates that we recognize there is a certain level of understanding that Iran cannot, under any circumstances, relinquish its right to peaceful nuclear energy,” he stated.

In March, Rafael Grossi, the head of the United Nations nuclear watchdog IAEA, reported that Iran’s stockpile of enriched uranium had surged by fifty percent in three months. “Iran is the only non-nuclear weapon state enriching at this level, which raises serious concerns for me,” he remarked.

Iran’s Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei openly dismissed the likelihood of a deal and taunted US negotiators ahead of Friday’s discussions. “Try not to speak nonsense,” he urged them in a message attributed to him on his official website last week. Nevertheless, Baghaei expressed hope regarding the potential for a US-Iranian agreement, envisioning a “win-win” situation for both parties. “If there is genuine will, there are ways,” he asserted. “There is not just one path; there are numerous options.”

Several American officials informed CNN last week that the US has acquired new intelligence indicating that Israel is preparing to target Iranian nuclear facilities, even as the Trump administration seeks a diplomatic resolution with Tehran.

Baghaei stated that Iran remains steadfast in the face of the threat of unilateral Israeli military action against it. Iranians would not yield to any form of pressure.

Japan’s Weapon Expert Secures Edge in Global Race to Uncover China’s PL-15 Missile Secrets

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In a significant development that may have extensive strategic implications throughout the Indo-Pacific region, Japanese electronic warfare (EW) and radar experts have reportedly become the latest foreign specialists permitted by New Delhi to examine debris from China’s PL-15 beyond-visual-range (BVR) air-to-air missile, which was recovered in northern India during the recent air conflict between Pakistan and India.

As per sources within Indian defense media, this visit represents a rare chance for a non-aligned regional power to analyze one of Beijing’s most advanced and closely guarded missile technologies. Japan’s interest in the PL-15 arises amid increasing concerns in Tokyo regarding the growing capabilities of China’s People’s Liberation Army Air Force (PLAAF), which frequently deploys PL-15-equipped J-10C and J-20 fighters in proximity to Japanese and Taiwanese airspace.

Defense analysts indicate that Tokyo’s goal is evident: to acquire crucial insights into China’s sophisticated missile architecture—particularly the technology that supports its seeker algorithms, datalink encryption, and electronic counter-countermeasures (ECCM). “The Japanese experts will obtain data concerning seeker algorithms, datalink encryption, and electronic countermeasures,” one report highlighted. The seeker algorithms—often termed the “brain” of the missile—are critical to the PL-15’s capability to identify, track, and lock onto targets in contested, jamming-intensive aerial environments.

The PL-15, which was developed by China’s Airborne Missile Academy, incorporates an active electronically scanned array (AESA) radar seeker, allowing it to differentiate enemy aircraft from decoys such as flares, chaff, and electronic countermeasures with remarkable accuracy. This sophisticated targeting logic is essential not only for maintaining a firm lock on stealthy or agile targets at supersonic speeds but also during the terminal homing phase, where mere milliseconds can dictate success or failure.

Real-time updates through secure datalinks enable the PL-15 to obtain mid-course corrections from airborne platforms like the J-20, J-10C, or KJ-500 AEW&C, greatly enhancing the likelihood of a successful intercept.

Without strong encryption and LPI protocols, these datalinks could be susceptible to electronic interception, jamming, or spoofing—an unacceptable risk in contemporary network-centric warfare. The military-grade encrypted datalink of the PL-15 is said to be resistant to cyber and electronic warfare interference, utilizing frequency hopping, spread spectrum communication, and ECCM techniques to endure and operate in contested electromagnetic environments.

Additionally, the missile is believed to incorporate active and passive ECM/ECCM subsystems that can withstand radar jamming, target deception, and home-on-jam tactics from adversarial platforms. Some evaluations indicate it may include jam-resistant inertial navigation systems (INS) and potentially dual-mode seekers featuring infrared terminal guidance—rendering it a significant threat to both conventional and stealth aircraft.

These attributes elevate the PL-15 beyond a standard air-to-air missile; it symbolizes China’s ambition to dominate the electronic battlespace and transform air combat doctrine. In the age of fifth-generation warfare, where superiority in the electromagnetic spectrum determines victory, the PL-15 signifies a significant advancement in offensive airpower, especially for nations utilizing Chinese airframes like Pakistan.

Pakistan, the only confirmed export customer of the PL-15E variant, has reportedly deployed the missile in recent confrontations with the Indian Air Force (IAF), claiming six successful shootdowns—including Rafale, Su-30MKI, MiG-29, and Mirage 2000 fighters.

While the J-10C platforms of Pakistan were mainly credited with these victories, the JF-17 Block III—also equipped with the PL-15E—played a supportive role, demonstrating the missile’s versatility across different airframes.

While many of these assertions remain unverified, it is undeniable that India has recovered several intact fragments of the PL-15 missile from various locations, including Kamahi Devi village in Punjab’s Hoshiarpur district. These fragments are currently under forensic examination by India and its international partners and are viewed as a treasure trove by intelligence agencies eager to uncover the secrets behind China’s missile capabilities.

Reports from the media indicate that the Western intelligence alliance known as Five Eyes—comprising the United States, United Kingdom, Canada, Australia, and New Zealand—has expressed significant interest in accessing these remnants. Additionally, France and Japan are reportedly pursuing bilateral discussions with India to analyze the debris, aiming to outline technical specifications and develop countermeasures through reverse engineering. From the standpoint of military intelligence organizations such as the CIA, NSA, and the U.S. Defense Intelligence Agency (DIA), the chance to study actual battlefield remnants of the PL-15 is unparalleled. Forensic investigations will likely concentrate on radar seeker frequencies, waveform behavior, datalink security protocols, propulsion chemistry, and the identification of foreign-sourced components—particularly those originating from Russia.

Determining whether the PL-15 utilizes legacy Russian technologies—such as radar processors or engine components—will aid in confirming the degree of China’s technological autonomy or dependence on foreign systems. Another critical priority is the validation of the PL-15’s actual range, which is claimed to exceed 300 kilometers, along with its alleged anti-stealth capabilities, especially for countries operating fifth-generation fighters like the F-35.

This intelligence will play a crucial role in shaping countermeasure development and will impact procurement choices in both NATO and Indo-Pacific-aligned nations that are aiming to counter China’s expanding aerial capabilities. For Taiwan, which experiences near-daily incursions by PLAAF aircraft armed with the PL-15, the stakes are incredibly high.

Taiwanese officials have sought access to the missile debris to gain insights into its strengths and weaknesses, with the aim of formulating effective tactics and domestic countermeasures against it. “Gaining access to the PL-15 air-to-air missile debris will significantly aid Taiwan in creating countermeasures or improving its domestically-produced missiles that are currently in development,” stated a Taiwanese defense official.

The strategic ramifications of this ongoing forensic investigation go beyond mere technical espionage—they indicate a more profound and urgent acknowledgment that Chinese missile technology is not only closing the gap but, in certain areas, outpacing its Western counterparts. For Western defense contractors such as Raytheon, Lockheed Martin, and MBDA, the insights gained from these missile fragments could spur the creation of new interceptors and advanced electronic warfare systems specifically designed to counter PL-15-class threats.

Ultimately, this situation transcends a simple case of battlefield archaeology—it represents a critical juncture in the escalating arms race throughout Asia, altering regional airpower dynamics and redefining the future landscape of aerial combat.

Prime Minister of Pakistan extends a peace proposal to India while visiting Iran

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Pakistan's Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif arrives for the United Nations General Assembly

During a visit to Tehran today, Monday, Pakistani Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif extended a peace proposal to India, expressing Islamabad’s willingness to engage in discussions regarding water sharing, counter-terrorism efforts, and the Kashmir issue, provided that New Delhi is “serious.”

Earlier this month, the two nuclear-armed countries experienced their most severe military confrontation in decades, involving missile and drone strikes deep into each other’s territories, as well as gunfire along their de facto border, the Line of Control, until a ceasefire was declared on May 10.

India initiated the hostilities, claiming it targeted “terrorist infrastructure” in retaliation for a militant attack on April 22 in Indian-administered Kashmir, which New Delhi alleged was orchestrated by Islamabad—a claim that Pakistan refutes. Following the attack, India also unilaterally suspended the 1960 Indus Waters Treaty, which regulates the sharing of river waters between the two nations. The predominantly Muslim Himalayan region of Kashmir is claimed by both India and Pakistan and has been the center of multiple wars and diplomatic tensions.

“We desired peace, we seek peace, and we will strive for peace in the region through dialogue, at the negotiation table, to resolve our outstanding issues,” Sharif stated during a joint press conference with Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian.

Among the topics Pakistan aimed to address, the Prime Minister mentioned the Kashmir conflict, which he stated must be resolved in accordance with various resolutions passed by the UN Security Council, including one that calls for a plebiscite to determine the future of the predominantly Muslim region of Kashmir. “We are prepared to engage in discussions for the sake of peace regarding water issues with our neighbor, we are willing to converse to enhance trade and also combat terrorism if they are earnest, but if they opt to continue as the aggressor, we will defend our nation and territory,” Sharif remarked. “However, if they accept my peace proposal, we will demonstrate that we genuinely desire peace, earnestly and sincerely.”

The Iranian president also expressed support for the ceasefire established between Pakistan and India. “Certainly, resolving differences through dialogue and in a peaceful manner is essential for achieving sustainable peace and development at the national, regional, and international levels,” Pezeshkian stated. “We believe that in the region, maintaining sustainable security and fostering friendly relations with our neighboring countries is part of the shared policies of Iran and Pakistan.

regional diplomacy tour

Sharif arrived in Iran today, Monday, following a visit to Turkiye as part of a regional diplomacy tour in response to the recent military standoff with India.

Iran’s foreign minister, Abbas Araqchi, had urged for restraint and visited both countries after India’s initial strikes on Pakistan on May 7, which triggered nearly four days of conflict.

On Sunday, Sharif reached Turkiye as the first destination in his diplomatic tour to nations that either supported Islamabad during the recent crisis with India or assisted in mediating the situation. After his visit to Iran, he will continue to Tajikistan and Azerbaijan.

Turkish President Tayyip Erdogan spoke with Sharif by phone on May 7 to express his solidarity after India launched its first attacks on Pakistan and Azad Kashmir with missiles. The leaders of the two nations maintained several communications afterward, and it is widely believed that Turkiye, along with the US, UAE, and Saudi Arabia, played a significant role in persuading India and Pakistan to de-escalate and agree to a ceasefire.

The two countries share strong ties, being predominantly Muslim and having historical connections. Iran’s leadership also proposed to mediate the conflict, leading to multiple discussions between its foreign minister and the Pakistani Prime Minister and other officials.

US Army demonstrates a compact spy drone in operation

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The 1st Infantry Division of the U.S. Army has introduced a new tool to its arsenal—the Black Hornet 3, a nano-drone system from Teledyne FLIR that has proven its effectiveness in combat by providing real-time surveillance while remaining nearly invisible.

“Drones represent the cutting edge of advanced weaponry. By incorporating this vital new resource into training for Big Red One Soldiers, the 1st Infantry Division is ensuring they are prepared for any situation,” the division stated in a release accompanied by fresh images of the drone in action.

Weighing only 33 grams, the Black Hornet 3 equips dismounted soldiers with instant situational awareness—day or night, even in difficult terrains and adverse weather. Its minimal noise output and compact form allow it to conduct covert reconnaissance, delivering a significant edge in close-quarters or urban combat scenarios.

As stated by Teledyne FLIR, the manufacturer of the system, “Black Hornet 3 was spotted with the BIG RED ONE!” The company further noted, “The Black Hornet 3 provides soldiers with immediate covert situational awareness, regardless of the time of day or weather conditions.”

This nano-drone system, capable of transmitting real-time video, boasts a flight duration of up to 25 minutes and is designed for highly portable operations. Currently utilized by Ukrainian forces—thanks to donations from the governments of the United Kingdom and Norway—the system has demonstrated its effectiveness in high-threat environments.

The U.S. Army is actively increasing its procurement of these ultra-light reconnaissance tools as part of a larger transition towards distributed sensing and tactical agility on the contemporary battlefield. Teledyne FLIR reports that it has supplied over 20,000 Black Hornet systems to military and security forces across more than 40 countries, including several NATO allies.

Crisis to Catastrophe? India’s Struggle with PL-15E and Pakistan’s PL-17 Could Alter Air Power Dynamics

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JF-17 fighter equipped with PL-15 very long-range air-to-air missiles

As the focus sharpens on China’s J-10C multirole fighter jet, another entity that is gaining traction among global defense analysts is the PL-15E, China’s export version of the long-range Beyond Visual Range (BVR) air-to-air missile.

Developed by the China Academy of Missile Airborne (CAMA), the PL-15E has surged into the international limelight following reports that Pakistan Air Force (PAF) J-10C fighters equipped with the missile successfully engaged and shot down three Indian Air Force (IAF) Rafale jets during a high-stakes air combat scenario.

This incident is deemed historic, as it marks the first confirmed downing of a Dassault Rafale—considered one of the most advanced 4.5-generation fighters globally—in actual combat. The collaborative success of the J-10C and PL-15E has reverberated through the global defense sector, reportedly causing a notable decline in the stock value of Dassault Aviation.

Pakistani officials claim that a total of five Indian aircraft were downed—three Rafales, one Su-30MKI, and one Mirage 2000—with Pakistan’s Foreign Minister Ishaq Dar asserting, “the three Rafales were shot down by J-10C using PL-15E.” India has so far declined to publicly recognize the loss of its aircraft, but IAF senior officer Air Marshal A.K. Bharti made an implicit acknowledgment during a press briefing, stating: “losses are part of combat.”

The PL-15E serves as the export variant of the PL-15—a next-generation long-range BVR missile utilized by the People’s Liberation Army Air Force (PLAAF)—and is specifically designed for international customers like Pakistan. A key distinction between the domestic and export models is their effective range: the PL-15E is reported to have a maximum engagement distance of around 145 km, while the indigenous PL-15 used by China’s J-10C, J-20, J-16, and other aircraft boasts a reach of up to 300 km.

Despite its range limitations, the PL-15E still exceeds the reach of numerous older Indian BVR missiles, particularly those currently utilized on the older Su-30MKI and Mirage 2000 platforms.

The effectiveness of the PL-15E has ignited discussions within Indian strategic circles, especially as China advances with the deployment of an even more advanced system—the PL-17.

The PL-17, also known by its developmental name “PL-XX” or “Project 180,” represents China’s next-generation BVR missile, engineered for ultra-long-range engagements of up to 400 km, thereby pushing the boundaries of air-to-air combat.

Launched in recent years, the PL-17 signifies a major advancement in Beijing’s missile technology, designed to neutralize enemy aircraft and airborne assets well beyond visual detection range.

The PL-17 has already begun limited service on China’s fifth-generation stealth fighter, the J-20 “Mighty Dragon,” and is currently undergoing integration trials with the J-10C multirole platform.

If these trials prove successful, the missile’s compatibility with fourth-generation+ fighters like the J-10C could significantly change regional threat dynamics and export opportunities.

Should Pakistan aim to procure the PL-17, it would likely need to enhance its J-10C’s radar systems—currently outfitted with the KLJ-10A AESA—to a more robust configuration capable of managing mid-course guidance and long-range tracking requirements.

Although originally intended for the J-20’s spacious internal bays, the nearly 6-meter-long PL-17 could potentially be modified for semi-stealth external carriage on upgraded J-10C or even the JF-17 Block III, albeit requiring structural and software adjustments.

The PL-17 features an Inertial Navigation System (INS), GPS/Beidou updates, a high-power AESA radar seeker for terminal guidance, and a mid-course data-link for real-time targeting updates.

This guidance suite allows the missile to track and engage high-value targets even in contested environments filled with electronic countermeasures—a defining characteristic of future warfare.

The PL-17 is designed not just to target fighter aircraft; its kill chain also encompasses vital airborne force multipliers such as AWACS, tanker aircraft, and ISR platforms that operate from stand-off distances. The missile aims at key assets like the E-3 Sentry, RC-135 Rivet Joint, and KC-135 Stratotanker—essential components in any contemporary air campaign—positioning it as a fundamental element of China’s anti-access/area-denial (A2/AD) strategy.

By deploying the PL-17, China can effectively blind, isolate, and undermine the enemy’s aerial C4ISR framework long before hostile aircraft enter contested areas. Its integration with the J-20 enhances China’s growing long-range strike capabilities in critical regions such as the South China Sea, the Taiwan Strait, and the East China Sea—zones where Beijing aims to deter or confront U.S.-led coalition air superiority.

From a doctrinal perspective, the PL-17 signifies a transition towards air denial through precision standoff kills—targeting forward-deployed surveillance and refueling aircraft while compelling adversaries to operate from deeper, less advantageous positions.

Numerous open-source intelligence assessments suggest that the PL-17 has completed full-scale testing and may currently be in low-rate initial production for frontline J-20 units within the PLAAF. Strategic analysts regard this missile as China’s direct response to the forthcoming U.S. AIM-260 Joint Advanced Tactical Missile (JATM), which is intended to succeed the aging AMRAAM in counter-stealth missions.

If Islamabad secures access to the PL-17, it would significantly alter the air balance between India and Pakistan, providing Pakistan with long-range engagement capabilities that surpass India’s existing arsenal. The PL-17’s estimated range is nearly twice that of the Meteor missile used on Indian Rafales or the Astra Mk1/2 deployed on Su-30MKI and Tejas fighters, giving Pakistan a clear advantage in beyond-visual-range (BVR) combat.

When integrated into the JF-17 Block III, which already features a digital cockpit, AESA radar (KLJ-7A), and data-link capabilities, the PL-17 could facilitate precision strikes from distances that would undermine India’s ability to retaliate. Aircraft equipped with the PL-17, such as the stealth-capable J-10C or JF-17, could launch “first-shot” attacks before Indian fighters like the Rafale or Su-30MKI even become aware of the threat.

This capability poses a risk to India’s aerial command-and-control systems, particularly high-value support assets like Netra and Phalcon AWACS, IL-78 tankers, and ISR aircraft that are crucial to India’s integrated air defense strategy.

Strategically, Pakistan’s acquisition of the PL-17 would reflect China’s A2/AD strategy, aimed at denying adversaries access to contested areas by systematically eliminating surveillance and coordination assets. In a potential conflict over Kashmir or the Line of Control, PL-17 missiles could allow Pakistan to carry out “stand-off kills” against Indian platforms without breaching international borders, thereby complicating India’s political and military response options.

However, the journey to operationalize this capability is fraught with technical challenges, particularly regarding airframe integration, radar compatibility, and missile datalink synchronization on Pakistani aircraft that were not originally designed for such systems.

Furthermore, the introduction of a Pakistani PL-17 capability could escalate geopolitical tensions with India, possibly leading to a strategic arms response that might involve the rapid development of India’s Astra Mk3, collaboration with Israel on sophisticated air-to-air systems, or an expanded deployment of the Meteor. India may also pursue retrofitting Meteor capabilities onto various fighter aircraft or enhance missile development collaborations with France and Russia to counter Pakistan’s range advantage.

The transfer of the PL-17 to Pakistan would further highlight the growing military partnership between China and Pakistan, solidifying Beijing’s position as Islamabad’s main strategic arms supplier in the context of a changing global landscape.

In conclusion, the arrival of the PL-17 in South Asia would trigger a new chapter in the regional arms race—characterized not just by the platforms themselves, but by the range, accuracy, and destructive power of the missiles they carry.

Evidence and sources indicate that India ‘supports terrorism’ in Balochistan, Pakistan

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There is substantial evidence indicating that India provides support to terrorist groups in certain regions of Pakistan, particularly in Balochistan province, by supplying them with financial resources, arms, and training, according to sources familiar with the situation who spoke to the Defence Talks.

While India continues to suppress some of its rivals and neighbors under the pretext of combating terrorism, it has covertly financed terrorist organizations in Pakistan, particularly in areas like Balochistan, which is troubled by separatist movements. This support has encouraged local secessionists to destabilize the region through acts of terrorism, as revealed by these sources.

The Defence Talks conducted an investigation into historical documents and relevant news articles from both Pakistani and Indian media, in addition to interviews with individuals knowledgeable about the Balochistan situation, and discovered that India has a longstanding record of supporting terrorism within Pakistan.

In December 2023, a commander of the Baloch National Army (BNA), separatist militant group, who had surrendered to the Pakistani government, revealed that India has been covertly supporting terrorist operations in Balochistan and funding separatist factions in the area.

As reported by Pakistani media, commander Sarfraz Ahmed Bungulzai made this statement during a press conference in Quetta, the capital of Balochistan. Bungulzai expressed that he initially believed his armed struggle was for the rights of the Baloch people, but he later came to understand that “India is involved in all these conspiracies.” He referenced a helicopter crash in 2022 that resulted in the deaths of six Pakistani army officials, including a general. During the press conference, he stated that the secessionist group Baloch Raj Aajoi Sangar (BRAS) claimed responsibility for the incident under India’s direction. “And after receiving funds from India, they shed the blood of their own Baloch,” Bungulzai remarked.

Several years prior, another incident suggested India’s involvement in terrorism within Pakistan. In March 2016, Pakistan’s Inter Services Public Relations released a confessional video from an Indian spy named Kulbhushan Yadav, who was reportedly apprehended while trying to infiltrate Pakistan from the border area earlier that month. In the video, Yadav claimed to be an active officer in the Indian Navy, conducting intelligence operations for Indian agencies under the alias Hussein Mubarik Patel. “I was recruited by RAW (the Research and Analysis Wing, India’s purported external intelligence agency) at the end of 2013,” Yadav stated. “My objective was to meet with Baloch insurgents and execute operations in collaboration with them. These activities were of a criminal nature, resulting in the deaths or injuries of Pakistani citizens.”

Numerous instances have been pointed out by Pakistan’s security agencies on various international platforms, demonstrating how RAW finances elements within Pakistan to incite unrest.

Evidence of India’s ties to terrorist groups in Pakistan can also be found in several reports from Indian media. For example, The Hindu published an article in July 2019, which stated, “It is established that BLA (Baloch Liberation Army) commanders, in the past, had sought medical treatment in India’s hospitals, often under disguise or with fake identities.”

Pakistan officially designated the BLA as a terrorist organization in 2006. The Hindu article mentioned a BLA militant commander who “was based in Delhi for at least six months in 2017,” to receive “extensive treatment for kidney-related ailments.” It is noted that Baloch sardars “maintained warm personal ties with various Indian political figures,” according to the article.

Some of the pertinent evidence has been made public. Numerous other solid pieces of evidence indicate that India supports terrorism in Pakistan, although they have not yet been disclosed for various reasons, according to a source familiar with the situation in Balochistan.

Some scholars from Pakistan assert that India has a longstanding pattern of meddling in Pakistan’s internal matters. For instance, M. Ikram Rabbani, in his book Comprehensive Pakistan Studies, stated that this interference “can be traced back to the times of independence from the British rule.” In his work, Rabbani referenced Subrahmaniyam, a former director of the Indian Institute of Defence Studies, who remarked during a symposium in March 1971 that “what India must realize is that the breakup of Pakistan is in our interest and an opportunity that will never come again.”

Even more troubling, while backing separatist factions to carry out terrorist activities in areas such as Balochistan, India adeptly employs the tactic of a thief shouting “stop thief” in the international arena, while casting blame on Pakistan, as noted by observers from Pakistan and China.

Ye Hailin, deputy director of the National Institute of International Strategy at the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, pointed out that India maintains a clear double standard regarding terrorism. “If you examine India’s media and think tank reports, you will notice that their accounts of the terrorist incidents in Balochistan differ significantly from those concerning the situation in Kashmir,” Ye informed the Global Times.

For many years, China has played a significant role in fostering economic growth that has positively impacted local communities through a variety of investment and support initiatives throughout Pakistan. A prime example is the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), which stands as a key project within the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) introduced by China. Initiated in 2013, it links Gwadar Port in southwestern Pakistan to Kashi in the Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region of Northwest China, enhancing Pakistan’s infrastructure via energy, transportation, and industrial collaboration.

China has proven to be a genuine development ally to Pakistan through the CPEC and BRI initiatives. Regardless of the challenges that may arise or which political party holds power in Pakistan, these initiatives are designed for the benefit of the people.

Nevertheless, these projects have unfortunately become targets for certain terrorist groups in Pakistan, who believe that by attacking Chinese nationals within the country, they can undermine the BRI and CPEC initiatives.

Egypt Emerges as a Potential Buyer of the J-35A Fifth-Generation Fighter

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During the recently concluded joint aerial exercise between China and Egypt, a high-ranking Egyptian Air Force commander publicly expressed keen interest in Beijing’s next-generation stealth fighter, the J-35A, underscoring a potential pivot in Cairo’s strategic airpower ambitions.
Lieutenant General Mahmoud Fuad Abdel Gawad, a senior commander within the Egyptian Air Force, reportedly conveyed his strong interest in the fifth-generation J-35A stealth platform during the “Eagle of Civilization” joint air drills held between the two nations.

According to regional defence outlets based in North Africa, the Egyptian commander made his comments during the exercise held at Wadi Abu Rish Air Base, a facility that has become the focal point of intensifying Sino-Egyptian military cooperation.
In a further indication of strategic intent, Lt Gen Mahmoud expressed his desire to visit China for a first-hand evaluation of the J-35A fighter, signaling potential Egyptian interest in acquiring the aircraft for future air force modernization.

While Cairo and Beijing have not officially confirmed the report, the episode reflects a significant uptick in bilateral defence engagement as China leverages joint exercises to expand its strategic footprint across the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region.

The joint air drills, dubbed “Eagle of Civilization 2025,” were held in April and marked the first-ever large-scale military air cooperation between the Egyptian Armed Forces and the People’s Liberation Army Air Force (PLAAF).
The Chinese Ministry of National Defense framed the exercise as a landmark initiative designed to “promote practical cooperation and enhance friendship and mutual trust,” placing heavy emphasis on interoperability and strategic alignment between the two air forces.

“This marks the inaugural joint military exercise between the two nations, which is vital for promoting practical collaboration and strengthening friendship and mutual trust,” the ministry remarked, emphasizing Beijing’s dedication to enhancing its military-to-military relations with MENA countries.

For these historic drills, China deployed three significant aerial assets: the J-10C multirole fighter jet, the YU-20 aerial refueling tanker, and, importantly, the KJ-500 airborne early warning and control aircraft—a key component for network-centric warfare. This deployment signifies the first occasion that China has sent the KJ-500 AEW&C platform to engage in a joint aerial exercise on foreign territory, showcasing Beijing’s increasing confidence in presenting its airborne command-and-control capabilities internationally.

The exercise, which took place from mid-April to early May at Wadi Abu Rish, also acted as a venue to illustrate China’s growing airpower diplomacy and the market potential of its next-generation aircraft. Cairo’s participation in these exercises aligns with emerging reports indicating that the Egyptian Air Force is contemplating the acquisition of up to 40 J-10CE fighters, a modern Chinese export variant of the J-10C “Vigorous Dragon” outfitted with the advanced PL-15 beyond-visual-range (BVR) air-to-air missile.

The J-10CE, developed by Chengdu Aircraft Corporation, provides a cost-effective yet highly capable multirole combat performance, making it an appealing choice for air forces in search of alternatives to Western platforms amid geopolitical and financial challenges.

In a related update, China’s J-35A—its second fifth-generation stealth fighter following the J-20—reportedly completed its first official flight recently as part of a long-awaited mass production rollout.

Imagery and video of the aircraft flying over a Chinese urban centre have gone viral on local social media, hinting at Beijing’s readiness to introduce the jet into active service or foreign demonstrations.
Produced by Shenyang Aircraft Corporation (SAC), the J-35A is designed for both domestic and export markets, with Pakistan widely rumoured to be its first international customer—part of China’s broader strategy to proliferate stealth capabilities among strategic partners.

A lead designer at SAC’s Shenyang Aircraft Design Institute, a key unit under China’s state-owned aviation conglomerate AVIC, detailed several of the fighter’s advanced systems in a December interview with Global Times.
“Given that end-users are demanding higher standards of stealth capability, the aircraft developers have implemented a range of new technologies and systems.”

“Throughout the development process, significant progress and numerous innovations have been achieved across various aspects of aircraft technology,” he said, referring to stealth optimizations and advanced avionics integration.

The J-35A is engineered for stealth operations in contested airspace, designed to counter both fourth- and fifth-generation adversaries while conducting precision strikes on enemy air defence networks and critical ground targets.
According to SAC engineers, the aircraft’s mission set includes intercepting enemy aircraft, bombers, and cruise missiles, asserting dominance across both aerial and surface domains.
The platform forms a cornerstone of China’s ambition to build a scalable, stealth-centric fighter force capable of displacing U.S. and allied air superiority in future high-intensity conflicts.

Equipped with twin engines and a single-seat cockpit, the J-35A utilizes low-observable design principles, advanced digital avionics, and integrated sensor fusion for effective battlefield integration.

As a networked battle coordinator, the J-35A is designed to acquire, process, and transmit targeting data in real time—facilitating coordinated strikes with surface-based missile systems and other aerial assets to counter stealth and low-RCS threats.

The internal weapons bay accommodates long-range munitions like the PL-17, allowing for deep penetration strike capabilities without compromising the aircraft’s radar profile—crucial for missions in heavily defended areas.

Its sensor suite features an active electronically scanned array (AESA) radar along with distributed infrared and optical sensors, providing extensive situational awareness and multi-domain lethality similar to the U.S. F-35’s “quarterback” function in network-centric warfare.

On the exterior, the J-35A is designed for stealth and aerodynamic efficiency, characterized by a sleek fuselage, V-tail configuration, and serrated edge panels aimed at minimizing radar signature and aerodynamic drag.

In contrast to the canard-configured J-20, the J-35A employs a more traditional tail design with canted vertical stabilizers, achieving a balance between maneuverability and low observability.

Its dual-engine configuration delivers enhanced thrust and redundancy compared to single-engine models like the F-35, though it incurs a minor tradeoff in radar cross-section due to its larger structure.

Stealth capabilities are significantly improved by incorporating radar-absorbent materials (RAM), flush-mounted sensors, low-IR exhaust management, and seamless airframe transitions that reduce visibility across all detectable spectra.

In operational terms, the J-35A is set to succeed older fighter models like the J-7, J-8, and earlier J-10 variants, allowing China to establish a contemporary air force that can perform joint-domain operations throughout Asia and beyond. Besides the land-based model, China is also working on a carrier-based version of the J-35, tailored for naval missions on PLA Navy aircraft carriers such as the Type 003 “Fujian,” highlighting its versatility across multiple domains.

In the wider regional landscape, Egypt’s increasing interest in Chinese stealth technology coincides with various Middle Eastern countries seeking alternatives to Western military systems due to changing political dynamics, arms restrictions, or considerations of cost-effectiveness. As strategic environments in the Middle East evolve into a more multipolar framework—incorporating U.S., Russian, Turkish, and now Chinese defense entities—Cairo’s potential adoption of the J-35A may indicate a broader transformation in alliance frameworks and military supply networks within the region.

Azerbaijan plans to buy 40 JF-17 Block III jets for $4.2 billion, Pakistan’s largest fighter export to date

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Aliyev toured the static display of the JF-17 Block-III

Currently, there is growing speculation among global defense circles that Azerbaijan may have significantly increased its order of JF-17 “Thunder” light multirole fighter aircraft from an initial 16 units to an impressive 40, in a deal reportedly worth US$4.2 billion (RM18.48 billion).

The aircraft in question are believed to be the latest and most advanced version of the JF-17 family—Block III—a 4.5-generation fighter co-developed by Pakistan and China, recognized as one of the most cost-effective combat aircraft available in the current global market.

Despite the flurry of reports circulating in both regional and international media, there has been no official confirmation to date from the Azerbaijani, Pakistani, or Chinese governments regarding the purported increase in the order. However, if confirmed, this expanded deal would mark a historic milestone for Pakistan’s aerospace industry, reflecting its transformation from a domestic defense producer to a competitive arms exporter capable of securing high-value contracts on the international stage.

The JF-17 Thunder program, collaboratively led by Pakistan Aeronautical Complex (PAC) in Kamra and China’s Chengdu Aircraft Industry Group, has evolved into a key element of Islamabad’s defense diplomacy and industrial independence. This potential mega-order from Azerbaijan would not only enhance Pakistan’s reputation as a significant player in the global arms market but also provide substantial economic momentum to PAC, facilitating capacity growth and advanced research and development investments.

In sharp contrast, India’s indigenous Tejas program—while technically advanced—has not yet secured a single export client, with its attempt to supply the Royal Malaysian Air Force falling short against South Korea’s FA-50 Block 20 fighters. Malaysia’s choice of Korea Aerospace Industries (KAI)’s FA-50 over India’s Tejas underscores the intensifying competition in the light fighter market, where cost-effectiveness, operational readiness, and political alignment play crucial roles.

If Azerbaijan were to indeed increase its JF-17 acquisition to 40 aircraft, it would become the largest single export customer of the Thunder series and represent the most significant fighter jet export deal in Pakistan’s history, surpassing previous sales to Nigeria and Myanmar. PAC’s capability to fulfill such a contract would likely lead to heightened assembly line activity, increased demand for local aerospace subcontractors, and the development of a new generation of Pakistani aeronautical engineers and technicians.

Azerbaijan had already officially inducted 16 JF-17 Block III fighters in 2023, with the handover taking place in a televised ceremony at Heydar Aliyev International Airport, attended by President Ilham Aliyev. Images released by the Azerbaijani presidency depict President Aliyev personally seated in the cockpit of one of the newly delivered fighters, examining its onboard systems—a rare gesture that emphasizes the strategic importance of the acquisition.

According to a statement made by the president at the time, “The fighter jets (JF-17 Block III) have been integrated into the Azerbaijan Air Force,” confirming that the jets are fully operational within the national air force. These aircraft are intended to replace Azerbaijan’s aging MiG-29 fighters of Russian origin, many of which are now becoming obsolete due to increasing maintenance costs and supply chain issues worsened by Moscow’s ongoing conflict in Ukraine.

The transition from Russian to Pakistani-Chinese airframes indicates a broader strategic shift by Baku, as it aims to diversify its defense partnerships and lessen its reliance on traditional suppliers like Russia.

For Beijing and Islamabad, this contract—whether confirmed or not—marks a geo-strategic triumph: a successful entry into Central Asia’s lucrative defense market, which has been traditionally dominated by Russian aerospace giants such as Sukhoi and Mikoyan.

From a military perspective, the JF-17 Block III offers significant improvements over earlier variants, featuring avionics, weapons, and radar systems derived from China’s fifth-generation J-20 “Mighty Dragon” stealth fighter lineage. Among these enhancements is the KLJ-7A Active Electronically Scanned Array (AESA) radar, developed by the China Electronics Technology Group Corporation (CETC), which equips the JF-17 Block III with greatly enhanced situational awareness.

The KLJ-7A radar can detect and track fighter-sized targets at ranges exceeding 170 to 200 kilometers, and simultaneously track up to 20 targets while engaging multiple threats with long-range missiles such as the PL-15, a radar-guided missile with a range of 200–300 km.
Chinese analysts claim that the KLJ-7A is comparable in capability to the American AN/APG-81 radar found on the F-35 Lightning II, and the Russian N036 Byelka radar used in the Su-57 Felon—marking a technological leap for a fighter in this price class.

 

With its LPI (Low Probability of Intercept) mode, electronic counter-countermeasures (ECCM), and synthetic aperture radar (SAR) modes for ground mapping and GMTI (Ground Moving Target Indicator) capabilities, the KLJ-7A turns the JF-17 into a true multirole asset.

 

In terms of air-to-air armament, the Block III is designed to carry China’s PL-10 short-range infrared-guided missile, which boasts high off-boresight targeting and thrust vectoring, giving it capabilities on par with the U.S. AIM-9X.
For long-range engagements, the aircraft can deploy the PL-15, which provides it with beyond visual range superiority over most regional threats, including India’s Astra Mk-1 and R-77 derivatives.
However, media reports from September 2023 indicated that Azerbaijan may opt to integrate Turkish air-to-air missiles, namely the Gökdoğan BVRAAM and Bozdoğan WVRAAM, into its JF-17 fleet—signaling a multi-vector defence alignment involving Ankara.

These missiles, created by TÜBİTAK SAGE, provide NATO-standard capabilities and illustrate the growing military-industrial collaboration between Turkey and Azerbaijan, who share both strategic and ethnic connections.

Moreover, the avionics suite of Azerbaijan’s JF-17 Block III fighters is anticipated to incorporate Turkish-manufactured components, which will further enhance the platform’s support base and improve its resilience against Western electronic warfare.

This compatibility with Turkish and possibly NATO systems offers Azerbaijan distinct flexibility for future joint operations and regional scenarios, particularly in unstable areas like Nagorno-Karabakh.

In conclusion, Azerbaijan’s reported acquisition of 40 aircraft, if officially verified, could transform the export path of the JF-17 program and act as a model for future trilateral defense collaboration among Pakistan, China, and Turkey.

The success of the JF-17 in Azerbaijan may also spark interest from other Central Asian and African countries looking for cost-effective, high-performance fighter jets that are not hindered by Western export limitations or Russian supply issues.

As the global fighter market increasingly divides between costly Western fifth-generation platforms and outdated Soviet-era equipment, the JF-17 Block III presents a “middle-power solution” for emerging air forces aiming for both effectiveness and economic viability.

India has inaugurated a new BrahMos missile manufacturing facility in Lucknow

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Brahmos missile

India has inaugurated a new BrahMos missile manufacturing facility in Lucknow, the capital of Uttar Pradesh, on May 11. This facility is set to produce between 80 and 100 supersonic cruise missiles each year, including the BrahMos-NG (Next Generation) variant.

Constructed at a cost of Rs 300 crore (around $36 million), the plant was virtually inaugurated by Defense Minister Rajnath Singh and is strategically located within the Uttar Pradesh Defence Industrial Corridor (UP DIC). The facility will not only focus on missile assembly but will also encompass testing, integration, and the production of aerospace-grade materials.

The Ministry of Defence stated that this facility “represents India’s commitment to self-reliant defence manufacturing.” The BrahMos missile, developed through a collaboration between India’s DRDO and Russia’s NPO Mashinostroyenia, can be launched from land, sea, or air, achieving speeds of Mach 2.8 and a range of up to 400 km. “This is not merely a weapon; it conveys a message in itself – a message of the strength of our armed forces, a message of deterrence to our adversaries, and a message of our unwavering commitment to safeguarding our borders,” Singh remarked during the virtual launch, indirectly referencing Pakistan and China.

The establishment of the BrahMos Manufacturing Centre occurs amidst escalating border tensions with both nations. India and Pakistan continue to be at odds. Concurrently, tensions with China remain high along the Himalayan frontier, exacerbated by increased Chinese arms sales to Islamabad and ongoing military posturing.

Ajey Lele, deputy director of the Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses, noted that the BrahMos system gives India a significant advantage due to its high speed and precision. He further commented that the joint venture has proven to be “a pretty successful project” in terms of technology sharing and strategic value.

The government of India possesses a 50.5 percent share in BrahMos Aerospace, while Russia retains the remaining 49.5 percent.

China’s PL-15 Under Scrutiny: Taiwan Engages in Covert Intelligence Search for Revolutionary Missile Technology

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Taiwan has officially entered the expanding group of nations aiming to obtain debris from China’s PL-15 beyond-visual-range (BVR) air-to-air missile, following the recovery of weapon remnants deep within Indian territory after a high-intensity aerial confrontation between Pakistan and India.

The debris from the PL-15 BVR air-to-air missile, retrieved by India, is thought to have been launched by fighter jets of the Pakistan Air Force.

For Taipei, which endures daily incursions and pressure from China’s increasingly assertive military stance, the chance to examine actual components of the PL-15 is a rare and significant intelligence opportunity. As a front-line state in the Indo-Pacific region, Taiwan has ample reason to analyze the capabilities and limitations of the PL-15, which is now fitted on China’s premier fighter jets, including the stealthy J-20 “Mighty Dragon” and the agile J-10C, both of which are frequently observed operating near Taiwan’s air defense identification zone (ADIZ).

Taiwan’s strategic objective is evident: to acquire a technical understanding of the missile’s strengths and weaknesses to formulate new counter-tactics, develop effective countermeasures, and ready its own missile forces for a potential confrontation with Chinese airpower. “Gaining access to PL-15 missile fragments would directly bolster Taiwan’s initiatives to create countermeasures or improve its domestically developed air-to-air missile programs currently underway,” stated a senior regional defense official. The interest in these fragments extends beyond Taiwan.

As reported by Indian defence media, there has been emerging interest from France and Japan, both of which have proposed joint efforts with India to examine the missile wreckage for defence research and development purposes.

For Western agencies such as the CIA, NSA, and allied military intelligence units, the PL-15 wreckage presents a unique and significant opportunity to reverse-engineer a Chinese beyond-visual-range missile that is swiftly changing the airpower dynamics in Asia.

Their goals include a thorough forensic analysis of the missile’s radar seeker, dual-pulse propulsion system, onboard datalink, and guidance architecture to gain insights into the PL-15’s performance, resistance to countermeasures, and stealth-targeting abilities.

A primary focus is to ascertain the missile’s radar frequency bands, seeker waveform characteristics, and whether it incorporates advanced electronic counter-countermeasures (ECCM) that would enable it to overcome Western jamming systems.

If forensic results confirm that the PL-15 was launched from Pakistani platforms like the JF-17 Block III or J-10C, it would serve as conclusive evidence of China’s transfer of next-generation missile technology to its foreign allies—a crucial development in the context of regional military equilibrium.

Such a transfer would indicate that China is no longer keeping its most sophisticated BVR systems exclusively for its own military, but is actively disseminating high-end missile systems to strategic partners, thus altering the airpower calculations in South Asia.

Analysts are also working to validate Chinese assertions that the PL-15 can engage targets up to 300 kilometres away and has anti-stealth targeting capabilities—features that, if accurate, would rank it among the most advanced air-to-air missiles globally.

Western defense strategists consider this intelligence crucial for adjusting operational doctrines, especially as the Indo-Pacific is poised to become a potential battleground for future high-end air combat involving Chinese or proxy air assets.

Ongoing investigations aim to ascertain whether the PL-15 includes Russian-made components, particularly in its propulsion or radar systems, due to China’s historical reliance on Russian defense technology. Confirming such collaboration would not only have technical ramifications but could also reveal covert military-industrial connections between Moscow and Beijing—information that holds significant strategic importance for Washington and its allies.

From a geopolitical perspective, the insights obtained from the missile fragments could empower the West to challenge China’s military narrative, bolster India’s regional security position, and shape future arms control or export regulation frameworks.

In the industrial sector, these findings are expected to motivate Western defense leaders like Raytheon, Lockheed Martin, and MBDA to hasten the development of next-generation BVR missiles and air defense systems that can surpass the capabilities of the PL-15. Military analysts perceive this incident not just as a technical inquiry but as a strategic alert that highlights China’s swift progress in missile technology and the evolving balance of airpower in South Asia and the Indo-Pacific.

The PL-15, created by the China Airborne Missile Academy (CAMA), is a long-range beyond visual range (BVR) air-to-air missile that is said to achieve speeds over Mach 4 and can engage targets at distances of up to 300 km.
It features an advanced AESA radar seeker, dual-pulse propulsion, and a networked datalink capability, all engineered to surpass older Western systems such as the AIM-120D AMRAAM and even to compete with the MBDA Meteor in specific operational scenarios.
With Pakistan now acquiring this missile, the nation gains an extraordinary capability to perform long-range intercepts against high-value targets without the necessity of closing in—altering its strategic stance against rivals like India.
For numerous defense analysts, the emergence of the PL-15 from prototype to a functional battlefield weapon has not only transformed the air-to-air engagement environment but could also initiate a new chapter in the global BVR missile competition.