The Chinese Ministry of Defense announced on Sunday that China will engage in joint naval exercises with Russia and Iran in the Indian Ocean later this month. The drills, titled “Security Belt-2025,” are set to occur near the Iranian port of Chabahar, adjacent to the Gulf of Oman.

The ministry stated that the purpose of the exercise is to enhance “military trust and pragmatic cooperation” among the three countries. Planned activities will include simulated maritime target attacks, collaborative search-and-rescue missions, and on-site inspections and apprehensions.

China will send a Type 052D guided-missile destroyer equipped with the Baotou missile system, along with the supply ship Gaoyouhu, both part of its 47th naval escort task force, to take part in the exercises. This announcement, reported by China’s state-run Xinhua news agency, highlights the ongoing trilateral military partnerships that have garnered international attention.

The previous exercise, known as “Maritime Security Belt-2024,” took place from March 11 to 15 in the same area and focused on anti-piracy and search-and-rescue operations, involving over 20 vessels from the three nations. China contributed three ships from its 45th escort task force, including the Type 052D guided-missile destroyer Urumqi, the Type 054A guided-missile frigate Linyi, and the Type 903A supply ship Dongpinghu.

Russia participated with the Pacific Fleet’s missile cruiser Varyag and the destroyer Marshal Shaposhnikov, while Iran contributed a variety of naval and Revolutionary Guard Corps vessels, including the frigates Alborz and Jamaran.

Observers from countries including Pakistan, Kazakhstan, Azerbaijan, Oman, India, and South Africa participated in the 2024 exercise, indicating a growing regional interest in the trilateral partnership. The exercises concluded with a shore phase and a debriefing session in Chabahar, highlighting the effective logistical coordination among the involved nations.

Regarding the forthcoming “Security Belt-2025,” details concerning the contributions from Russia and Iran are currently sparse. However, based on historical trends, it is anticipated that Russia will deploy warships from its Pacific Fleet, potentially including the Varyag, which has played a significant role in previous exercises. Iran, as the host nation near Chabahar, is expected to engage both its conventional navy and the Revolutionary Guard Corps, possibly utilizing frigates such as the Jamaran or other domestically manufactured vessels.

The Chinese Ministry of Defense has announced that the Type 052D destroyer and Gaoyouhu, part of the 47th naval escort task force operating in the Gulf of Aden since December, will participate in the drills. This task force also comprises the guided-missile frigate Honghe and two ship-borne helicopters, although it remains uncertain whether these additional assets will take part. The ministry’s statement highlighted that the exercise will encompass a variety of operations aimed at improving interoperability among the three navies.

The Type 052D destroyer, represented by the vessel equipped with the Baotou missile system, is a key element of China’s contemporary naval capabilities. Recently commissioned as part of the expansion of the People’s Liberation Army Navy, this class of warship is approximately 157 meters long and has a full-load displacement of around 7,500 tons.

The propulsion system of the Type 052D, which combines diesel and gas turbine technology, enables it to achieve speeds over 30 knots, enhancing its agility for both offensive and defensive operations. This destroyer is armed with a 130mm main gun that can effectively target surface vessels at considerable distances. However, its most notable feature is the vertical launch system, capable of accommodating up to 64 missiles.

Among these missiles are the HHQ-9 surface-to-air missiles for air defense, YJ-18 anti-ship cruise missiles for engaging enemy ships, and CJ-10 land-attack cruise missiles for precise strikes on land targets. Additionally, the destroyer is equipped with anti-submarine torpedoes and advanced radar systems, including the Type 346A active electronically scanned array, which enhances situational awareness.

For close-range defense, it incorporates the Type 730 or Type 1130 close-in weapon system, designed to intercept incoming threats such as missiles and aircraft. Typically, the Type 052D operates with a crew of approximately 280 personnel and can deploy a Harbin Z-9 or Kamov Ka-28 helicopter for reconnaissance and anti-submarine operations. The Gaoyouhu, a Type 903 supply ship, supports the destroyer by supplying fuel, ammunition, and provisions, thereby extending the operational range of the task force.

The capabilities of the Type 052D exemplify China’s strategic goal to extend its influence beyond its coastal regions. Since its introduction in 2014, this class has seen the commissioning of at least 25 vessels, with additional units currently under construction, as noted by naval analysts monitoring China’s shipbuilding initiatives.

Each destroyer is estimated to cost between $500 million and $600 million, although Beijing has not disclosed precise figures. The Baotou missile system, which is part of this class, enhances both offensive and defensive capabilities, but specific information regarding its deployment on this ship corresponds with the standard configuration of the Type 052D.

Equipped with a diverse armament and sensor suite, this destroyer is well-suited for multi-domain operations, a feature expected to be highlighted during the upcoming “Security Belt-2025.” Alongside the Gaoyouhu, which has the capacity to transport thousands of tons of fuel and supplies, this combination illustrates China’s growing capability for long-range missions—a development that has evolved since the nation initiated anti-piracy operations in the Gulf of Aden in 2008.

The announcement of “Security Belt-2025” arrives amid increased geopolitical scrutiny, leading analysts to assess its wider implications. The Gulf of Oman, the site of the exercises, is strategically located near vital maritime chokepoints such as the Strait of Hormuz, through which approximately 20% of the world’s oil is transported.

These trilateral exercises, now in their fifth iteration since 2019, reflect a strengthening military partnership among China, Russia, and Iran, three countries frequently at odds with Western nations. Sophie Kobzantsev, a Russia analyst at the Misgav Institute in Jerusalem, remarked in a recent interview with Voice of America that these drills serve both strategic and symbolic functions.

Russia perceives these actions as part of a broader strategy to alter global power structures, aiming to counterbalance U.S. and NATO influence. For China, the military exercises bolster its expanding naval footprint in the Indian Ocean, a crucial area for its Belt and Road Initiative trade routes. Iran, on the other hand, utilizes this opportunity to assert its significance in the region amidst ongoing tensions with the United States and its allies, particularly regarding nuclear discussions and disruptions in Red Sea shipping.

Opinions among analysts regarding the purpose of the exercises vary. Some view them as a standard display of interoperability, not directed at any particular adversary. China’s Ministry of Defense has characterized the drills as a collaborative initiative to enhance maritime security, a sentiment echoed by Iranian officials who emphasize objectives such as combating piracy and protecting trade routes.

A Global Times editorial from last year during the 2024 exercises emphasized, “The security of the waters in the Gulf of Oman is crucial to the interests of all countries and requires collective efforts to maintain,” asserting that there is no confrontational intent. Conversely, others interpret the timing and location of the drills as a signal to Western nations.

Meir Javedanfar, an expert in Iranian security studies at Reichman University in Israel, remarked to Voice of America that these exercises enable China and Russia to “demonstrate their presence and exert pressure on the West,” especially in light of ongoing conflicts such as the Russia-Ukraine war and Houthi assaults in the Red Sea.

While the U.S., which heads a naval coalition in the region, has not issued a direct response to “Security Belt-2025,” its 2024 Annual Threat Assessment Report underscored the precariousness of the global order, identifying China, Russia, and Iran as significant challengers.

The selection of Chabahar port as the venue adds significant context to the situation. Situated close to Iran’s border with Pakistan, it provides a route to the Indian Ocean, circumventing the more contentious waters of the Persian Gulf. India has made investments in the development of Chabahar as part of a trade corridor aimed at Central Asia; however, Iran’s military relationships with China and Russia continue to evolve independently of this collaboration.

The port’s strategic importance is highlighted by its location near key shipping routes, making it an optimal site for exercises designed to evaluate naval coordination and response capabilities. Historical records from previous drills indicate that “Security Belt-2025” will last several days, likely culminating in a ceremonial review, similar to the events of 2024 when vessels returned to Chabahar for debriefing. As preparations progress, the comprehensive details of “Security Belt-2025” will become more apparent.

The movement of the Chinese task force from the Gulf of Aden to participate in the exercise signifies a smooth transition from escort operations to multinational drills, showcasing operational adaptability. The specifics of Russia and Iran’s involvement will further clarify the extent of this collaboration.

At this moment, the announcement highlights a consistent trend of naval cooperation among the three countries, set against a backdrop of changing global alliances and regional security issues. The Gulf of Oman, currently calm, is poised to witness a demonstration of maritime strength that, whether collaborative or strategic, continues to influence perceptions of the evolving dynamics in the Indo-Pacific region.